Is Jakarta’s Great Sea Wall Just a Pipe Dream?

10.05 Add Comment
Is Jakarta’s Great Sea Wall Just a Pipe Dream?-

Lagged budget disbursement pushed back the construction of a giant sea wall in Jakarta, which was expected to be finished by April 2018. Two years after the project’s inception, reports indicate the initial work on the “Great Sea Wall” is only 4 percent complete.

Home to more than 10 million people and recognized as the economic, political and cultural centre of Indonesia, the sprawling metropolis of Jakarta is the largest city in Southeast Asia—and it’s sinking.

The capital of the Emerald of the Equator lies on a low flat basin 23 feet above sea level. 40 percent of that, however, particularly the northern areas, is below sea level. Given the continuous groundwater extraction and the pressure of skyscraper developments, it is no surprise that Jakarta is sinking at 7.5 to 15 centimetres per year.

Flooding in jakarta, jakarta sea wall neededFlooding in Jakarta can be attributed to the region’s recurring monsoon season, the lack of proper water management and the obvious overpopulation. The city’s flood problem results in as much as a 30 percent national economic loss each year, as employees are unable to report to work, goods are not distributed timely and trades practically come to a halt. In the bigger picture, industries suffer losses in the trillions of rupiah each year, routinely giving the country bad press among foreign investors.

The national government and economic experts have long struggled to come up with a resolution for the problem. Back in 2013, President Joko Widodo, who was then governor of Jakarta, proposed a six-step plan to solve the flooding dilemma. These steps included the relocation of people living on the riverbanks, repair of the canal, building of reservoirs and installation of pumps.

Later in 2014, Widodo met with city officials and ministers to endorse an ambitious plan that had long been on the drawing board: the construction of a garuda-shaped Great Sea Wall.

Part of the National Capital Integrated Coastal Development master plan, the two-step Great Sea Wall project would highlight the ongoing construction of a US$2 billion, 32-kilometre wall behind an existing wall that is slowly being eaten up by the sea. Estimated to be complete in 2018, this first phase would make way for new pumping stations and help raise the levels of the city’s riverbank dikes.

See: Is Sandiaga Uno Jakarta’s Next Governor

The plan also called for urban development and the rise of a “Waterfront City” replete with hotels, luxury housing and office towers atop the seawall complex to make it more attractive for private investors. The private sector would play an integral role in financing this US$40 billion mega-structure, which is supposed to include 17 artificial islands complete with toll roads, a seaport and a railway.

If the project ever came to reality, Jakarta Bay would become a water reservoir enclosed in the Giant Sea Wall and would eventually become a source for clean water for the entire city. Prior to that, the city would also need to build and implement water purification and treatment plans. In theory, this would stop the bay from being contaminated by rivers and canals.

Even though the project is way behind schedule, the people in charge are still optimistic. Head of Water Management Agency Teguh Hendrawan said his department will hire more workers and increase working hours to catch up with the schedule.

Governor Ahok has expressed doubts about the project.

“Flushing the mud will be very problematic,” Ahok said to an audience of hydrologists. He added that the master plan would have to also face the challenge of corruption in the country head-on. This would be tricky, as it has been recognized as one of Indonesia’s biggest-ever infrastructure projects.

Editing by Nadya Joy Ador and Leighton Cosseboom; featured image via geograph; post image via wikipedia; video via Al Jazeera English

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Tax Amnesty Has Indonesia Polarized

21.04 Add Comment
Tax Amnesty Has Indonesia Polarized-

So far, Indonesia has touted its tax amnesty programme as a success after pulling in more than US$7 billion in its first few months. However, public criticism is building up, and some believe the scheme could be more advantageous for the super rich than the middle-class.

In July, authorities opened the scheme with pageantry, asking locals to declare their wealth in exchange for penalties below normal tax rates.

President Jokowi needs more money to help the archipelago after two years in office, namely for an ambitious infrastructure push. Some analysts say his efforts to reverse the nation’s slowing economy have so far been ineffective.

With its tax amnesty programme, Indonesia hopes to collect tens of billions of dollars squirreled away overseas (namely in Singapore) and to get more folks to pay taxes in a country where only a little more than ten percent of locals are registered to do so.

A Wave of Interest

The first stage of the programme, when people settle penalties as low as two percent of declared assets, ended last week with good results after a wave of interest took the nation.

More than 350,000 people declared assets clocking in at Rp.3,620 trillion (US$278 billion), which raked in Rp.97.2 trillion (US$7.46 billion) in revenue for the government, according to data from the nation’s finance ministry.

Jokowi was glad to see “trust from the people and the business community towards the government” while analysts observed the strong start of the programme, which is set to run until March.

But the tax amnesty programme is generating anger by several activist groups. The public in recent weeks has been angry that Indonesia’s wealthiest tycoons have been quick to declare assets without needing to be accountable as to where said assets came from. Essentially, this means many people would rather see Indonesia’s wealthy elite exposed for wrongdoing, rather than have their potentially ill-gotten gains go towards improving the nation without legal consequences.  

Tommy Suharto, the multimillionaire son of former dictator Suharto, and James Riady, the head Lippo Group, recently signed up for tax amnesty.

rupiah-cash

See: What Does Tax Amnesty Mean for Expats in Indonesia?

A Closer Look

Holding the wealthy up as heroes when all they are doing is paying their taxes is a mistake, said Firdaus Ilyas, an active member of NGO Indonesia Corruption Watch.

“The image being built up is that people who take part in the tax amnesty are heroes helping develop the nation,” he told AFP. “But we know if they take part in [the amnesty], it means they didn’t pay tax.”

Among the small number of Indonesians who have regularly paid their taxes, there is disappointment at the treatment being given to the super rich simply for paying up at a rate below normal.

Regular tax rates for individuals range from five percent to 30 percent depending on income while the corporate tax rate is 25 percent. In the first phase of the amnesty scheme, participants pay penalties of between two and four percent on declared assets.

tax-revenue

See: The Death of Tax Evasion?

“The tax amnesty is only good for the big people,” said Johni Yusuf, a businessmen in his mid-30s who runs a small shop selling household goods in Jakarta. “It’s unfair, I always pay my taxes.”

Activists have called the amnesty into the Constitutional Court while the anger spilled out onto the streets last week when thousands protested in Jakarta, with demonstrators saying the money probably came from corruption.

Ken Dwijugiasteadi, the government’s top tax official, refused to be drawn on whether he was concerned about where the money came from, saying the tax office’s job was just to collect the funds.

Despite the concerns, some analysts believe the positives outweigh the negatives.

Indonesia needs the money to solve a budget deficit, and also desperately wants to get more people into its tax system. Right now, only about 30 million people are registered taxpayers out of a population of 255 million.

“You have to look at the broader picture and consider whether at the end of this you’ve got more money taken out of the black economy and put into the real economy,” said Paul Rowland, a Jakarta-based independent political analyst.

Source: Channel NewsAsia; featured image via Wikimedia; post image via Matahari2012; post image by 401(K) 2012 

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Indonesia Announces New Rule on Property Ownership for International Couples

20.03 Add Comment
Indonesia Announces New Rule on Property Ownership for International Couples-

The Constitutional Court of Indonesia just announced new regulations on the rights for international couples related to prenuptial agreements and property ownership.

On October 27, the nation’s Constitutional Court agreed to allow international couples to make prenuptial agreements in the middle of the marriage process, or even after they are married. This means that local-foreign couples who did not have prenuptial agreements before they were wed will now have the chance to claim rights to their property and assets after the fact.

mixed-marriage-property-ownershipPerca Indonesia, an activist group for Indonesia’s international marriage community, says this comes as  good news for international couples in the archipelago who are often discriminated against. The community claims that it has long tried to address the issue of property ownership for international couples, and is glad that justice has finally been served.

Not only in Indonesia, but international couples all across the globe have also been facing similar challenges of staying in a certain country. In 2010, Eurostat conducted research in 30 countries on international marriages.

See: Indonesian Government Considering Dual Citizenships

The results suggested that one out of 12 marriages in Europe involved someone with foreign status. In Australia, almost one in three marriages in 2014 involved international couples; while the US Census Bureau of Statistics suggested in 2011 that at least 21 percent of the country’s population can be called an international couple.

In Indonesia, there have been more cases of dual citizenship, and stakeholders have been calling on the government to conduct a judicial review on the matter.

Nia K. Schumacher, a member of local international marriage group Aliansi Pelangi Antar Bangsa said in October that the rapid growth of mobility around the world will certainly give rise to mixed marriages in the near future.

Image credits: Indoindians, Indoindians

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Local Trans Women Redefine the Notion of Beauty in a ‘Secret Pageant’

19.02 Add Comment
Local Trans Women Redefine the Notion of Beauty in a ‘Secret Pageant’-

LGBT community and activists continue to challenge status quo by secretly organizing a national beauty pageant in Jakarta, while successfully staying away from local media attention and attacks from Islamic hard-liners.

November 11 was an unforgettable day for Qienabh Tappii. The 28-year-old could not hide her excitement when she bagged the crown for this year’s Miss Waria Indonesia, a beauty contest that seeks to promote LGBT rights in Indonesia.  

“I’m very happy, I feel like I want to cry,” the new queen said while standing next to a 2-metre-tall red-and-gold trophy and carrying a smaller one on one hand.

Like most beauty pageants, Miss Waria Indonesia also involved contestants strutting down the runway in evening gowns and prizes for winners at the end of the line. But what is different about this contest is its ability to empower the transgender community across the archipelago.

Miss Waria Indonesia was joined by a select group of transgender women representing different regions across Indonesia. That night, Tappii triumphed over 30 other contestants, and she is set to represent the country in an international pageant that will take place next year in Thailand.

Despite her victory, Tappii knew that her work just got started and that she must maintain her focus on the mission. “Tonight is the beginning of my struggle for my rights as a waria. I want waria to be accepted, appreciated and understood in our society, and to be equal with other Indonesians. I will work really hard to achieve it.”

‘Waria’ is a local term that is used to refer to a transgender or those who find that their sense of gender is different from their sex. In Indonesia, the rights of transgenders and the LGBT community have been a subject to ongoing debates among authorities, academics, religious parties and the public in general.

Throughout the year, activists have been fighting Indonesian conservatives who refuse to acknowledge LGBT people’s rights because they believe that accepting them would be considered as defying the nation’s norms and values.

See: LGBT Rights Questioned in Indonesian Courtroom

For that reason, Miss Waria Indonesia was kept extremely under the radar. To avoid any risk of discovery, violence and especially attacks from Islamic hard-liners, the media were notified only a few hours in advance of the location of the pageant. Guests were also asked not to post anything on social media throughout the contest.

“If the public knew in advance that there will be such an event, those who use religion as their mask could attack us. That’s why we kept it secret until the last minute,” pageant organizer Nancy Iskandar revealed.

Regardless, the event managed to attract around 200 people who came to show their support for the transgender community. One audience member even came all the way from South Sulawesi to ‘show his solidarity’. “We Indonesian waria have the same feelings, what they feel in Jakarta we also feel it in Makassar,” Fitri Pabentengi said.

News of Miss Waria Indonesia 2016 only broke out recently, when a series of international media reported the event. Miss Waria Indonesia is organized by Putri Waria Indonesia Foundation and Indonesian Waria Communication Forum.

Featured Image via Veronica Jauriqui; Video via Redfox Fox

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Mama Wants Credit, Papa Wants Shares

18.01 Add Comment
Mama Wants Credit, Papa Wants Shares-

Police have finally busted one of the most common text message scams in the book; meanwhile, the country’s biggest corruption scandal could just be swept under the carpet.

In recent years, just about anyone with a mobile phone in Indonesia would have received a text message along the lines of: “Mama minta pulsa, tolong kirimkan pulsa Rp 50 ribu ke nomor baru 081212345678.” Which means: “Mama wants phone credit, please send Rp.50,000 to her new number, 081212345678.” Which means it’s a scam.

How do scammers make money after tricking people into transferring phone credit to their numbers? They re-sell it to vendors of electronic phone credit.

The scam has been around since at least 2010. It became so well known that in 2012 it spawned a comedy horror movie, Mama Minta Pulsa. Like most local films in this genre, it was utter garbage, although it could have been good if it had dropped the comedy and instead focused on people dying for forwarding or viewing text spam.

Veering off-topic here, the movie starred big-chested actress Shinta Bachir, who was named during the recent trial of Robby Abbas. Robby, you may recall from news earlier this year, ran a high-class prostitution ring that supplied models and actresses to big-spending government officials, legislators and tycoons.

When Robby was sentenced on October 26 to one year and four months in jail, the presiding judge mentioned that Shinta Bachir was on the pimp’s books for a tariff of Rp.40 million. Shinta, who did not have to attend the trial, separately denied being a prostitute but she has not attempted to sue the judge for slander.

Anyway, back to the short message service (SMS) scam. Police on November 3 arrested the alleged ringleader of a ‘mama minta pulsa’ syndicate, Effendi (36), while he was driving with his wife and son in his home province of South Sulawesi.

Effendi, who uses the aliases Lekeng and Kenz, was sent to Jakarta because most complaints about SMS scams had been filed in the national capital. Police seized the suspect’s 600-square-metre house, two cars and two motorbikes, claiming they were bought with his ill-gotten gain. Effendi insisted the house was a gift from his wife’s parents.

Some local media reports painted a picture of Effendi as the mastermind of every single SMS scam, living a life of great riches and luxury. His minor affluence is peanuts compared to the vast wealth of politicians who embezzle and extort money, but more on them later.

Effendi said he had learned the scam from friends. He had been sending out fraudulent text messages for two years and had five employees, who managed a syndicate of scammers based in the West Java capital of Bandung and the outlying town of Cianjur. In a single day, they could send about 6,000 messages, usually using spamming software called SMScaster. They had a success rate of about 1 percent.

The gang provided Effendi with daily earnings of Rp.3 million to Rp.7 million, of which he kept 75 percent and the rest was paid to his employees.

Effendi said the gang had stopped sending “mama minta pulsa” because the public had wised up to the scam. Instead, the crooks were sending messages that claimed the recipient had won a bank’s lucky draw or various prizes. Victims would be given instructions to redeem their prizes by transferring cash via ATM to false bank accounts operated by the gang. Other messages claimed “Grandma wants phone credit, she’s in hospital” or “Mum needs phone credit, she’s at the police station and using a borrowed phone.”

Police arrested more than a dozen SMS scammers in Bandung and Cianjur, and on November 21 raided Jakarta’s notorious Pasar Pramuka district, arresting 23 people who made fake identity cards and birth certificates that were used for opening bank accounts, which were sold to the syndicate. A fake ID cost Rp.500,000, while a bank account in a fake name cost Rp.2.5 million.

Setya Novanto

House of Representatives speaker Setya Novanto had requested shares from gold and copper mining giant Freeport Indonesia, ostensibly on behalf of President Joko Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

The latest arrests prompted the creation of an internet meme ‘Mama Minta Pulsa, Papa Minta Saham’, the latter part (which means ‘Papa wants shares’) in reference to the mid-November revelation that House of Representatives Speaker Setya Novanto, had requested shares from gold and copper mining giant Freeport Indonesia, ostensibly on behalf of President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Setya, who has long been dogged by corruption scandals and is a Golkar Party executive, had on June 8 met at Jakarta’s Ritz-Cartlon Hotel with Freeport Indonesia’s CEO Maroef Sjamsuddin and fuel importing kingpin Muhammad Riza Chalid, a man who wields enormous influence among politicians. Maroef secretly recorded the meeting, which discussed Freeport’s desire to increase its contract to operate the massive Grasberg mine in Papua province from 2021 to 2041.

Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Sudirman Said on November 16 filed a complaint against Setya to the House’s ethics council for misusing the names of the president and the vice president. Then a transcript of the meeting was released.

Setya responded by claiming he had been joking when asking for the shares. “It was just a joke, light conversation, but Maroef treated it seriously. Like when we spoke about private jets and being happy. We were just kidding around,” he told Tempo magazine.

While a few people demanded Setya resign or be fired or arrested, numerous legislators and top politicians spoke out in his defence. There are now growing calls for Jokowi to fire Sudirman because he dared to expose details of the meeting. Sudirman was quickly reported to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly inflicting losses on the state by allowing Freeport to export copper concentrate without first developing a smelter. Setya’s lawyer threatened to report the minister to police for damaging Setya’s “good” name.

Sudirman may well become a victim of the Freeport shakedown scandal, while Setya may be too influential to be brought down. “If does go down,” says a senior newspaper editor, “he knows so many secrets of the top politicians that he could bring a lot of them down with him. So I don’t think he will be fired.”

Rather than demand immediate action, Jokowi was happy to joke about the ‘Papa Minta Saham’ meme with reporters. Possibly he is just playing his cards close to his chest, biding his time to expose all the rotten elements of the legislature with hard evidence. Or perhaps he is powerless, fearful he may be impeached if he tries to eradicate corruption.

KPK chief Taufiequrachman Ruki, way back in 2005 when he first headed the commission, admitted that law enforcement in Indonesia can never be totally isolated from political interference. “We go after the big fish, but if the fish is too big, my commission could sink,” he said presciently.

The public will have to be satisfied with arrests of small-time crooks, such as SMS scammers, while the biggest criminals continue to laugh on golf courses and in their private jets. And our mobile phone operators will continue to send stupid spam. Get used to disappointment.

Police have finally busted one of the most common text message scams in the book; meanwhile, the country’s biggest corruption scandal could just be swept under the carpet.

In recent years, just about anyone with a mobile phone in Indonesia would have received a text message along the lines of: “Mama minta pulsa, tolong kirimkan pulsa Rp 50 ribu ke nomor baru 081212345678.” Which means: “Mama wants phone credit, please send Rp.50,000 to her new number, 081212345678.” Which means it’s a scam.

How do scammers make money after tricking people into transferring phone credit to their numbers? They re-sell it to vendors of electronic phone credit.

The scam has been around since at least 2010. It became so well known that in 2012 it spawned a comedy horror movie, Mama Minta Pulsa. Like most local films in this genre, it was utter garbage, although it could have been good if it had dropped the comedy and instead focused on people dying for forwarding or viewing text spam.

Veering off-topic here, the movie starred big-chested actress Shinta Bachir, who was named during the recent trial of Robby Abbas. Robby, you may recall from news earlier this year, ran a high-class prostitution ring that supplied models and actresses to big-spending government officials, legislators and tycoons.

When Robby was sentenced on October 26 to one year and four months in jail, the presiding judge mentioned that Shinta Bachir was on the pimp’s books for a tariff of Rp.40 million. Shinta, who did not have to attend the trial, separately denied being a prostitute but she has not attempted to sue the judge for slander.

Anyway, back to the short message service (SMS) scam. Police on November 3 arrested the alleged ringleader of a ‘mama minta pulsa’ syndicate, Effendi (36), while he was driving with his wife and son in his home province of South Sulawesi.

Effendi, who uses the aliases Lekeng and Kenz, was sent to Jakarta because most complaints about SMS scams had been filed in the national capital. Police seized the suspect’s 600-square-metre house, two cars and two motorbikes, claiming they were bought with his ill-gotten gain. Effendi insisted the house was a gift from his wife’s parents.

Some local media reports painted a picture of Effendi as the mastermind of every single SMS scam, living a life of great riches and luxury. His minor affluence is peanuts compared to the vast wealth of politicians who embezzle and extort money, but more on them later.

Effendi said he had learned the scam from friends. He had been sending out fraudulent text messages for two years and had five employees, who managed a syndicate of scammers based in the West Java capital of Bandung and the outlying town of Cianjur. In a single day, they could send about 6,000 messages, usually using spamming software called SMScaster. They had a success rate of about 1 percent.

The gang provided Effendi with daily earnings of Rp.3 million to Rp.7 million, of which he kept 75 percent and the rest was paid to his employees.

Effendi said the gang had stopped sending “mama minta pulsa” because the public had wised up to the scam. Instead, the crooks were sending messages that claimed the recipient had won a bank’s lucky draw or various prizes. Victims would be given instructions to redeem their prizes by transferring cash via ATM to false bank accounts operated by the gang. Other messages claimed “Grandma wants phone credit, she’s in hospital” or “Mum needs phone credit, she’s at the police station and using a borrowed phone.”

Police arrested more than a dozen SMS scammers in Bandung and Cianjur, and on November 21 raided Jakarta’s notorious Pasar Pramuka district, arresting 23 people who made fake identity cards and birth certificates that were used for opening bank accounts, which were sold to the syndicate. A fake ID cost Rp.500,000, while a bank account in a fake name cost Rp.2.5 million.

The latest arrests prompted the creation of an internet meme ‘Mama Minta Pulsa, Papa Minta Saham’, the latter part (which means ‘Papa wants shares’) in reference to the mid-November revelation that House of Representatives Speaker Setya Novanto, had requested shares from gold and copper mining giant Freeport Indonesia, ostensibly on behalf of President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo and Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Setya, who has long been dogged by corruption scandals and is a Golkar Party executive, had on June 8 met at Jakarta’s Ritz-Cartlon Hotel with Freeport Indonesia’s CEO Maroef Sjamsuddin and fuel importing kingpin Muhammad Riza Chalid, a man who wields enormous influence among politicians. Maroef secretly recorded the meeting, which discussed Freeport’s desire to increase its contract to operate the massive Grasberg mine in Papua province from 2021 to 2041.

Energy and Mineral Resources Minister Sudirman Said on November 16 filed a complaint against Setya to the House’s ethics council for misusing the names of the president and the vice president. Then a transcript of the meeting was released.

Setya responded by claiming he had been joking when asking for the shares. “It was just a joke, light conversation, but Maroef treated it seriously. Like when we spoke about private jets and being happy. We were just kidding around,” he told Tempo magazine.

While a few people demanded Setya resign or be fired or arrested, numerous legislators and top politicians spoke out in his defence. There are now growing calls for Jokowi to fire Sudirman because he dared to expose details of the meeting. Sudirman was quickly reported to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly inflicting losses on the state by allowing Freeport to export copper concentrate without first developing a smelter. Setya’s lawyer threatened to report the minister to police for damaging Setya’s “good” name.

Sudirman may well become a victim of the Freeport shakedown scandal, while Setya may be too influential to be brought down. “If does go down,” says a senior newspaper editor, “he knows so many secrets of the top politicians that he could bring a lot of them down with him. So I don’t think he will be fired.”

Rather than demand immediate action, Jokowi was happy to joke about the ‘Papa Minta Saham’ meme with reporters. Possibly he is just playing his cards close to his chest, biding his time to expose all the rotten elements of the legislature with hard evidence. Or perhaps he is powerless, fearful he may be impeached if he tries to eradicate corruption.

KPK chief Taufiequrachman Ruki, way back in 2005 when he first headed the commission, admitted that law enforcement in Indonesia can never be totally isolated from political interference. “We go after the big fish, but if the fish is too big, my commission could sink,” he said presciently.

The public will have to be satisfied with arrests of small-time crooks, such as SMS scammers, while the biggest criminals continue to laugh on golf courses and in their private jets. And our mobile phone operators will continue to send stupid spam. Get used to disappointment.

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Scams in the City: The Punisher

17.00 Add Comment
Scams in the City: The Punisher-

It is often said the Indonesian judiciary is rotten to the core. But there is one Supreme Court judge who always upholds or extends the sentences of corruption felons, and sides with the poor.

Judge Artidjo Alkostar. Courtesy of Wikimedia

Judge Artidjo Alkostar | Courtesy of Wikimedia

That judge is Artidjo Alkostar. To anti-graft activists, he is a hero. In more than a dozen corruption cases appealed to the Supreme Court, he has upheld guilty verdicts or overturned acquittals.

For example, Artidjo led a panel of three Supreme Court judges that in November 2013 increased the sentence of former legislator Angelina Sondakh from four years and six months behind bars to 12 years for accepting bribes to rig government contracts.

He also extended the jail sentence of former Democratic Party chairman Anas Urbaningrum from seven years to 14 years for corruption and money laundering.

Even the biggest names don’t inspire fear. After former president Suharto was charged with corruption in 2000, Artidjo was on the panel of three Supreme Court judges handling his appeal. Two of the judges wanted to drop the case, but Artidjo issued a dissenting opinion, resulting in a compromise that Suharto would remain a suspect and be tried when healthy. Suharto never was brought to court and died in 2008.

Artidjo has a reputation for siding with the ‘little people’. In 2011, the Supreme Court sentenced an elderly domestic worker, Rasminah, to four months and 10 days in jail for stealing six plates, an oxtail, mouthwash and other items from her employer in Ciputat, west of Jakarta. Artidjo issued a dissenting opinion, declaring she was not guilty.

In October 2006, when the Supreme Court overturned the conviction of Garuda Indonesia pilot Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto for the murder of human rights activist Munir, Artidjo issued a dissenting opinion, demanding life imprisonment for the pilot.

Artidjo also champions environmental cases. In 2008, he was on a panel of Supreme Court judges that overturned Medan District Court’s acquittal of timber tycoon Adelin Lis on corruption and illegal logging charges.

To the political elite, Artidjo’s determination to punish corruptors has earned him unflattering nicknames, such as “the crazy judge” and “the killer judge”.

Fierce Determination

Artidjo was born in 1949 in the East Java town of Situbondo. His mother was from Sumenep on the island of Madura, where people have a reputation for being fiercely determined.

His career in law came about by accident. After completing high school, he wanted to study agriculture because his father was a farmer (and a religious teacher). Artidjo entrusted an acquaintance to enrol him in the Faculty of Agriculture at the Islamic University of Indonesia (UII) in Jogjakarta. Upon arriving for the entrance exam, he was informed that Agriculture enrolments had closed, so he enrolled in Law, intending to transfer to Agriculture the following year. He ended up enjoying Law and stuck with it.
After graduating in 1976, he considered becoming a state prosecutor, before deciding to be a lawyer. In 1981, he was appointed deputy director of the Legal Aid Institute (LBH) office in Jogjakarta. In 1983 he became director of the office, a position he held until 1989. His early years with LBH coincided with the so-called ‘mysterious shootings’ in which the military from 1983-85 killed thousands of alleged hoodlums without trial and left their bodies in the streets as part of an effort to combat crime. Artidjo protected some of the people on the hit-list, letting one gangster stay at his house for three months. In several cases, he confronted the military. There were rumours that Artidjo would be killed for his boldness.

In 1989, Artidjo went to New York and studied human rights law at Columbia University. He also worked for the Asia division of Human Rights Watch in New York for two years. Coming home, he established a legal practice, Artidjo Alkostar and Associates.

In November 1991, the Indonesian military massacred over 250 unarmed East Timorese at a cemetery in Dili. After the bloodbath, Artidjo and another lawyer went to East Timor to defend two pro-independence activists on subversion charges. The lawyers faced many threats from military intelligence agents. The presiding judge initially refused to allow them to represent the defendants, who were sentenced to 15 years and life imprisonment. Artidjo was subsequently commended for his “commitment to the ideals of justice and human rights in the face of threats, intimidation and obstruction”.

Dark Justice

In 2000, then-justice minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra informed Artidjo he had been nominated to become a Supreme Court judge – at a time when the government was trying to clean up the top court by appointing non-career judges.

Artidjo initially declined. “Because I knew the world of justice was black … because there are often bribes. I knew this from my experience as a lawyer,” he said.

Yusril assured him that he had been nominated by human rights activists and reformists. So Artidjo consulted with Muslim clerics from Madura, who advised him to accept. After undergoing a “fit and proper test” he was installed as a judge.
Within two months of joining the Supreme Court, he put a notice on his office door that read, “No visitors who want to talk about cases,” because many people were trying to bribe him for favourable verdicts.

He said one acquaintance offered him cash, a car and an apartment. Another time, a businessman from the East Java capital of Surabaya came to his office and announced: “Mr Artidjo, here’s the money, the others [judges] already have theirs.”

As a judge, Artidjo should have received an official residence in Jakarta, but he ended up renting a modest house behind a welding workshop in the unfashionable neighbourhood of Kramat Kwitang because a retired judge refused to vacate his free house. Artidjo turned heads at the Supreme Court because he often arrived at work in a bajaj. On most Fridays, he still flies to Jogjakarta (where his wife lives) and on Saturdays lectures in law at his alma mater, UII.

While many judges live in opulence well beyond their official salaries, Artidjo’s only luxuries are his collections of ornamental carp and bonsai plants. He is also a voracious reader, enjoying crime fiction and philosophy.

Bantleman & Tjiong

On May 22, Artidjo will turn 67. Supreme Court judges used to have to retire at 65, but in 2009 their retirement age was extended to 70.

If Artidjo had retired at 65, he would not have led the panel of three judges who on February 24 overturned Jakarta High Court’s acquittal of two Jakarta Intercultural School (JIS) teachers, Canadian Neil Bantleman and Indonesian Ferdinant Tjiong, on charges of sexually abusing three kindergarten boys. The teachers had initially been convicted by South Jakarta District Court and sentenced to 10 years. Artidjo extended their sentence to 11 years.

Many of Jakarta’s expatriates believe the abuse case was baseless and financially motivated. The mother behind the charges, who has since moved to Belgium, insists her son was gang-raped multiple times in a toilet, and also in Bantleman’s glass-walled office and in “a secret room” in the teachers’ lounge – and that a magic stone and magic potion were involved. She initially tried to sue JIS for US$12.5 million and blamed the alleged abuse on six cleaners, one of whom died after brutal police interrogation. The others say they were tortured into making confessions.

When the mother could not get any compensation because JIS had no liability for the cleaners, she declared the teachers were also involved in the abuse and increased her demand to US$125 million. She maintains her son contracted herpes as a result of sodomy, but an independent lab test conducted in Europe showed the boy does not have the virus.

Despite the flimsy evidence, the court of public opinion was firmly against JIS, which is one of the country’s most expensive schools. Lawyer Hotman Paris Hutapea says judges are often reluctant to issue verdicts contrary to public opinion. “They have to do it to save their job; they have to do it to get the sympathy of the public,” he told Canada’s CBC News.

Artidjo, as usual, sided with the public, perhaps keen to show that foreign pressure could not influence the Indonesian judiciary. Or perhaps he was in a hurry – the prosecution had requested the verdict be made before a travel ban on Bantleman expired. Reports say the panel of judges was named only on February 22 and then issued the ruling two days later – hardly sufficient time.

When foreign paedophiles are tried in Indonesia, their countries generally don’t insist upon their innocence.

Given the irregularities and lack of evidence against Bantleman and Tjiong, it seems that Artidjo’s habitual heroism may have led to a rushed, flawed verdict.

Miscarriages of justice, no matter how well-intentioned, are just as bad as judicial scams of buying and selling verdicts. Meanwhile, the mainstream Indonesian media has lavished praise upon the Supreme Court for maintaining the credibility of the legal system.

 

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Another Tiger Dies at Indonesia’s ‘Death Zoo’

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Another Tiger Dies at Indonesia’s ‘Death Zoo’-

A male Sumatran tiger has died at the Surabaya Zoo, where hundreds of animals have reportedly died in recent years. Rama, a critically endangered tiger is another addition to the zoo’s death list, which includes multiple orangutans, a giraffe, and a wildebeest.

In a statement to Agence France Presse, the zoo spokeswoman Veronika Lanu claimed that 16-year-old Rama died of heart failure but insisted that the tiger had been properly treated.

“The death was due to natural causes; we provided the best care we could.”

But according to AFP, Rama – who died on April 10 – had a series of health problems and suffered from a bad cough and was lethargic weeks prior to his death. According to Channel News Asia, there are currently only three male Sumatran tigers and six females left in captivity. In the wild, numbers are estimated to be as low as 400.

Rama is also not the first Sumatran tiger to die at the Surabaya Zoo, the largest zoo in Indonesia. In 2013, a 13-year-old male tiger was also found dead in his cage, believed to have died from hepatitis and pneumonia.

The Surabaya Zoo has been criticized by campaigners for neglecting and abusing animals, who die due to malnutrition and disease. Many petitions have requested the Surabaya Zoo be closed.

With more than 213,000 signatures, a petition by the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals calls for the ‘death zoo’ to be immediately shut down.

The petition says: “While it’s too late for many animals, hundreds of others endure the zoo’s hellish conditions every day. The Surabaya Zoo should be closed immediately, and the animals should be sent to sanctuaries or other facilities that are better able to care for them. The world is watching and waiting for officials to show their commitment to animal welfare.”

The city administration has taken over the management of Surabaya Zoo, although it has not stopped a stream of animal deaths, and animal welfare groups continue their fight for the zoo’s closure.

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